In response to the reports of mass killings earlier this month, including persons in hospital beds in El-Fasher, Sudan, by members of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the Association of World Citizens (AWC) has called for strong UN efforts to mediate an end to the civil war in Sudan.
A civil war has gone on since April 2023 in Sudan between the Rapid Support Forces led by General Mohamed Hamdan, known by his battle name of Hemedti, and the Sudanese Armed Forces then led by General Abdul Fattah al-Burham. Each of the two generals has created local militias which rob, torture, rape, and create conditions of disorder. Many of these militias use child soldiers in violation of UN treaties on the protection of children. The civil war has led to some 150,000 persons killed and 10 million displaced.
The capture of El-Fasher came after more than 500 days of siege. Already on June 13, 2024, the UN Security Council called for an end to the siege of El-Fasher, capital of the North Darfur Province of Sudan. The Council requested all parties to enable lifesaving aid to enter El-Fasher, the center of the most vicious fighting in the province. Unfortunately, the Security Council appeal fell on deaf ears.
The AWC does not underestimate the difficulties of mediation to end the Sudan Civil War. There has been armed conflict in Sudan since the eve of independence in the mid-1950s. These conflicts were organized along ethnic and religious lines. The conflicts led to the creation of a new state, South Sudan, where tensions are also strong.
Mediation efforts should be carried out under UN responsibility. However, Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs) may play a positive role.
Mediation is about men and women, and the attitudes that make for conflict between them. The attempt to bring about a change in understanding will include continual interpretation of what the others are saying, explanations of their attitudes, and exposure of false rumors – roles which NGOs can play.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Third-party nonviolent intervention is the physical presence of a third party into an area of conflict in such a way as to reduce the level of violence. Accompaniment of persons in danger was developed as a technique in the early 1980s by Peace Brigades International (PBI), which I represented in Geneva, especially in contacts with persons at the United Nations. PBI sent volunteers, mostly from the USA, to El Salvador and Guatemala.
Later, in 1989, during a wave of killing of lawyers in Sri Lanka, the Sri Lankan bar association invited PBI to send a team there to accompany lawyers. The protective accompaniment worked so well that PBI was asked to extend its work to labor organizers and journalists, also under danger.
Similar forms of protective accompaniment have been organized by two largely Christian organizations to work with Palestinians. One is the World Council of Churches, based in Geneva, which began a program in 2002. Since then, some 2,000 volunteers from 21 countries have spent three months in Israel to accompany children going to school or persons passing through multiple check points.
The second organization is the Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT), closely related to the Mennonite church in Canada and the USA, working in the Hebron area since 1995, a mixed Palestinian and Israeli community. When active, they have a red hat which is a clear identification.
CPT have also worked in other parts of Israel with mixed communities. Allies from other countries send messages and emails to Israeli officials in support of the Teams’ efforts. The team uses videos to highlight tense situations, often associated with house demolitions. The Peacemaker Teams have developed good working relations with Israeli human rights organizations such as Rabbis for Human Rights. The team members are often arrested by the Israeli police and spend time in Israeli jails with prisoners who are not used to nonviolent activists.
Photograph of Abu Hishma village and residents by the Christian Peacemaker Teams (C) CPT
As one Christian Peacemaker, Wendy Lehman, wrote, “Intellectually, I knew there were good reasons to risk arrest when doing nonviolent direct action. Many activists view it as an effective way to draw attention to injustice. Others argue that if you are doing what you believe is right – defending someone from being beaten by soldiers, participating in a public vigil, or standing up for a rightful landowner – arrest may occur ‘organically’ out of the situation.”
Developing the skills needed for nonviolent accompaniment is crucial. Volunteers need awareness and skills to be able to act judiciously and have an impact. They must be able to observe, evaluate and make decisions. They can be facilitators – one who helps a group reach a common decision, often with consensus decision-making and participatory management.
To keep a clear focused attention in the middle of violence, hate and confusion requires inner calm. There are techniques, often developed in spiritual training, to be able to stay calm and focused in times of confusion. There are also ways of developing an inner vitality so that one’s vital energy is not drained away by the presence of hostile persons. Such techniques are usually related to increasing the flow of subtle energies within the body, techniques taught in yoga, in certain breathing exercises, and in meditation. In a more secular spirit, the International Committee of the Red Cross has been working on stress reduction techniques for Red Cross workers in tension situations.
The current situation in Israel, while there are positive currents, is one of continuing tensions. Thus, there will be a need for nonviolent accompaniment.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
C’est ce que chantait Guy Béart en 1968, alors que la révolte politique grondait en France et ailleurs. Au départ inspiré pour sa chanson La vérité par l’une des premières anecdotes sur le dopage dans le cyclisme, Béart a élargi sa chanson à l’assassinat de John F. Kennedy, à la répression des écrivains en URSS et même au calvaire de Jésus-Christ, rendant hommage aux victimes du refus de la liberté d’expression et, in fine, se mettant lui-même en scène en tant que victime potentielle des «murmures» et des «tomates mûres» de son public qu’il voyait déjà, à son tour, l’exécuter ! Heureusement non, pas plus qu’après Les couleurs du temps l’année passée, chanson qui est pour moi un hymne personnel.
Aujourd’hui hélas, les autorités de l’Iran, où l’assassinat de la jeune Masha Jina Amini par les Gardiens de la Révolutions (Pasdaran) en septembre 2022 a fait naître des revendications de liberté sous le slogan «Femme, Vie, Liberté» qui, même réprimées, ne se sont jamais tues, semblent avoir pris ce refrain de Guy Béart au pied de la lettre puisqu’elles entendent précisément exécuter un poète, Peyman Farahavar.
De la part de la théocratie chiite de Téhéran, rivale par excellence de celle sunnite d’Arabie saoudite qui est aussi pour elle une solide concurrente en termes de violations des Droits Humains, rien de bien surprenant, certes. Qui croit tirer son pouvoir politique de la parole divine n’admet aucune œuvre de l’esprit humain. Pourtant, Peyman Farahavar a bien d’autres raisons, en fait toutes les raisons, de déplaire au régime des mollahs.
(C) Iran Human Rights
Trop croyant pour devenir théocrate
Quand une idéologie de libération fonde un système politique qui, lui-même, évolue ou plutôt dégénère en dictature, il y a toujours des gens qui, même soutenant le système, s’accrochent aux idéaux et aux principes de la libération rêvée en croyant les pérenniser par leur adhésion à l’institution. Certains resteront fidèles au système quoi qu’il arrive, persuadés de pouvoir le changer de l’intérieur par leur seule intégrité – et bien souvent voués à rester déçus –, tandis que d’autres, poussés au bout du dégoût, le quitteront s’ils le peuvent. Dans la défunte Tchécoslovaquie, un Alexander Dubček rêvant d’un «communisme à visage humain» avait tôt fait d’irriter les tenants moscovites d’un communisme répressif, puis de voir s’abattre sur son Printemps de Prague, en plein cœur de l’été, l’hiver des chars.
Promis à un avenir de mollah réprimant lui aussi son peuple, au nom d’un chiisme vidé de sa substance pour devenir l’instrument pérenne du totalitarisme, Peyman Farahavar s’y est refusé. Aux yeux du pouvoir de Téhéran, première faute.
A trente-sept ans, Peyman Farahavar, également prénommé Amin, originaire de la province de Gilan bordée par la Mer Caspienne et voisine de l’Azerbaïdjan, n’a pas toujours été le primeur de rue et père de famille comme tant d’autres qu’il est aujourd’hui. Comme le révèle IranWire, il était au départ séminariste. Comme son gouvernement, il avait fait de la religion et du culte des martyrs de la révolution islamique les piliers de sa vie. A la ville, il portait les robes des dignitaires chiites que la République islamique érige en aristocratie. A cette différence près que Peyman Farahavar, religieux dans l’âme, ne voyait pas le chiisme comme un instrument d’oppression.
Ecœuré par la manière dont les autorités de Téhéran avaient transformé la religion et la mémoire de la révolution en un «business», il s’était défroqué et avait abandonné sa vie cléricale pour devenir vendeur de rue, primeur spécialiste des fruits, travaillant chaque jour avec son frère pour gagner sa vie et nourrir son petit garçon de dix ans.
Il fustigeait désormais sans concession ces autorités qu’il en était venu à détester, s’opposant farouchement à l’oppression du peuple qu’il reprochait à ces gens auxquels son parcours le vouait au départ à ressembler. La robe des mollahs était devenue pour lui symbole de cette oppression. Pour lui, plus question de la porter encore, et l’enlever voulait dire rejeter non pas la religion, mais le régime qui se faisait oppresseur en son nom.
Devenu voix des sans-voix, Peyman Farahavar criblait sur ses réseaux sociaux «la supériorité autoproclamée du clergé chiite en Iran», ainsi que l’exploitation par le gouvernement «du sang et de la religion des martyrs». Il s’était indigné publiquement du sort de la jeune Mardak Maryaneh, jeune fille de seize ans qui, arrêtée et détenue, s’était suicidée après sa libération.
La prison, Peyman Farahavar allait la découvrir lui-même en mai 2022, avant que l’Iran ne résonne du slogan «Femme, Vie, Liberté». Arrêté une nouvelle fois le 18 août 2024 à Racht, capitale du Gilan, Peyman Farahavar fut détenu vingt-six jours au secret avant d’être transféré à la Section de sécurité de la Prison de Lakan, toujours à Racht. Avant même sa condamnation à mort, il allait bientôt être arraché violemment au monde des vivants.
Une poésie belle et forte à mourir
Dans des prisons iraniennes dont la réputation de barbarie n’est plus à faire, encore moins à ignorer, Peyman Farahavar n’avait aucune chance d’échapper au sort le plus barbare, dont les autorités, pénitentiaires et autres, comptaient sur le fait qu’il demeure aussi le sort le plus ignoré. Par bonheur, pari perdu.
Les sources d’IranWire évoquent des tortures si extrêmes qu’un jour, Peyman Farahavar en a perdu connaissance pendant vingt-quatre heures, mais aussi des saignements gastro-intestinaux persistants, des dérèglements lymphatiques provoquant des furoncles douloureux sur tout le corps, et pas le moindre traitement médical qu’il se voit constamment refuser. Au-delà du corps, l’esprit et le cœur souffrent aussi, de l’absence d’un fils auquel il n’est jamais permis de voir son père, ce qui serait voulu, poursuit IranWire, par une ex-belle-famille vindicative adossée aux Gardiens de la Révolution.
A bien y réfléchir, pourquoi les autorités ménageraient-elles Peyman Farahavar alors que, tout au contraire, elles s’acharnent sur lui pour des aveux ? A coups de «graves tortures psychologiques et physiques», elles exigent qu’il avoue. Avouer ? Mais quoi, au juste ? Qu’il aurait, comme l’en accusent les autorités, déclenché un incendie volontaire sur un chantier ? En pareil cas, Peyman Farahavar n’aurait pas été autant interrogé sur ses écrits, littérale obsession de ses geôliers.
«Le crayon sera sa clé, les feuilles son issue», chantait la regrettée Teri Moise dans Les poèmes de Michelle, son hommage aux enfants travailleurs en un temps où l’on n’en parlait encore que peu. Les Gardiens de la Révolution islamique, redoutables miliciens théocrates de Téhéran, ont bien compris que c’est aussi le cas de Peyman Farahavar, insupportablement libre même dans sa cellule, puisqu’ils se sont employés à détruire ses carnets de notes où figuraient ses poèmes, même lisibles de ses seuls codétenus, car c’était apparemment déjà trop.
Vivant de peu, suivi par seulement quelques centaines de personnes sur Instagram, Peyman Farahavar n’en a pas moins fait suffisamment peur à l’Etat, comme le relève IranWire, pour se retrouver frappé d’une peine de mort. Ces fameux Gardiens de la Révolution, il leur avait fait un sort dans un poème que l’un de ses anciens codétenus décrit comme «très implacable et très beau», lui qui se souvient de Peyman Farahavar comme d’un poète doué pour la satire contestataire et, surtout, pour l’improvisation, à tel point qu’il suffisait d ’ «attiser» en lui la verve poétique pour qu’elle explose en bouquets de vers subversifs d’un savoureux vitriol.
Rien ni personne n’était épargné parmi ce qui révoltait l’ancien mollah en devenir. Incendiaire, oui, il l’était sur la corruption enracinée dans les institutions, les questions liées à l’environnement, mais aussi la fierté culturelle de la population du Gilan. Peyman Farahavar fustigeait les ventes, devenues monnaie courante, de terres agricoles du Gilan à des Iraniens d’autres parties du pays, ainsi que le gaspillage des ressources naturelles de la province par les sociétés immobilières. Jaloux de son identité provinciale, il proclamait son admiration pour les héros locaux, dont Mirza Kuchik Khan, homme politique et chef militaire du début du vingtième siècle. Voix des sans-voix, remarque encore IranWire, Peyman Farahavar portait celle d’un peuple oublié, celle des pauvres, celle des villageois dont la souffrance n’intéressait pas Téhéran.
Pour les mollahs, voilà bien de quoi vouloir exécuter un poète, la peine prononcée contre Peyman Farahavar ayant été confirmée y compris par la Cour suprême iranienne le 24 septembre.
Ecrivez sa liberté
«A quoi sert une chanson si elle est désarmée ?», demandait Julien Clerc en 1993 dans Utile, citant une expression chilienne, «La chanson sans armes ne sert à rien, la chanson sans balles n’affronte pas le fusil». La chanson, Maurice Druon y voyait la «forme moderne de la poésie», bien que la forme traditionnelle n’ait jamais cessé d’exister. Dix ans avant Julien Clerc, Daniel Balavoine évoquait la torture d’un poète dans Frappe avec ta tête. Neuf ans auparavant encore, Michel Delpech ouvrait la voie en unissant poésie et chanson dans Rimbaud chanterait, imaginant un Arthur Rimbaud ayant vécu à cette époque et qui, là où le dix-neuvième siècle l’a vu poète, aurait été chanteur, «lui, l’homme fou, l’ami, le déserteur».
A quoi servait à Guy Béart de chanter La vérité en 1968 ? Les étudiants français en révolte contre le système savaient tout au moins à quoi leur servait la chanson, qu’ils entonnaient parfois dans leurs meetings face à un pouvoir politique en lequel ils voyaient un ultime censeur.
Aujourd’hui, le poète qui a «dit la vérité» se nomme Peyman Farahavar, et dans une illustration insupportablement littérale des vers de Guy Béart, Téhéran entend l’exécuter, sous des motifs fantoches, pour sa seule poésie. Une poésie qui n’a pas besoin de dire à quoi elle sert, car les actes parlent, comme les mots dérangent.
Même pour qui n’est pas poète, un langage poli et un ton décidé suffisent pour dire non au massacre d’un innocent. Il y a toujours une ambassade iranienne, ou bien une mission auprès des Nations Unies à New York, Genève ou Vienne, dans le pire des cas une délégation permanente à l’UNESCO, à contacter. Il serait dommage de priver d’un tel soutien Peyman Farahavar, ainsi que de s’en priver soi-même lorsque l’on peut écrire et dire la vérité sans craindre d’être, comme Téhéran le lui promet, exécuté.
Bernard J. Henry est Officier des Relations Extérieures de l’Association of World Citizens.
Three years have passed since protests began in Iran at the announcement of the death in police custody of 22-year-old Mahsa (Jina) Amini, having been arrested by the “morality police” for having some of her hair beyond the hijab (veil). She was an ethnic Kurd. The protests began on September 3, 2022 in the Kurdish areas of Iran but soon spread to all ethnic groups and to many parts of the country.
Women have been a central focus of the social policy of the Iranian Islamic government. Even before coming to power in 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini from his exile in France had said that the overly great liberty of women was a chief obstacle to his policies. Repressive policies against women with compulsory veiling laws were quickly put into place once he came into power.
On Mare Street in Hackney, London, UK, a Mahsa Jina Amini mural painted by artist Sophie Mess in collaboration with Peachzz. (C) Loco Steve
“Woman, Life, Liberty” became the battle cry of the 2022 protests, and the refusal to have a hijab was the external symbol of the protests. Although the protests were harshly repressed, the Iranian people’s courage could not be silenced. Since 2022, Iranian society has been significantly modified. There is an increased defiance of women who refuse to wear the mandatory hijab in public. Unveiled women are seen walking through stores and banks. Government leaders have appeared on posters with unveiled women as “martyrs” killed in the recent bombing by Israel and the USA.
There are some policymakers in the government of President Masoud Pezeshkian who cautiously propose reforms while hardliners double down on restrictions, and people are arrested, accused of “propaganda against the state”. The many socioeconomic currents present in Iran today merit being watched closely.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Civilization is made up of four ideals: the ideal of the individual; the ideal of social and political organization; the ideal of spiritual and religious organization; the ideal of humanity as a whole. On the basis of these four ideals, thought tries conclusions with progress.
Albert Schweitzer, The Philosophy of Civilization
Albert Schweitzer was concerned with the ways that these four ideals of civilization are developed into a harmonious whole. Late in his life, when I knew him in the early 1960s, he was most concerned with the ideal of humanity as a whole.
He had come out strongly against nuclear weapons, weapons which were the opposite of respect for life which was the foundation of his ethical values. (1) “Man can hardly recognize the devils of his creation. Let me give you a definition of ethics. It is good to maintain and further life. It is bad to damage and destroy life. By having reverence for life, we enter into a spiritual relation with the world. By practicing respect for life, we become of the human family and our good, deep and alive.”
For Schweitzer, our sense of unity of the human family and our obligation to future generations was threatened as never before in the two World Wars that he had seen. I had been active since the mid-1950s in efforts to ban testing of nuclear weapons in the atmosphere – a focus of anti-nuclear efforts at the time. I had also worked with the world citizen Norman Cousins who had visited Lambaréné and had written a lively book on his exchanges with Schweitzer. (2) Thus I was well received by Schweitzer at his hospital in Lambaréné; and we had useful discussions. I was working for the Ministry of Education at the time and was at the Protestant Secondary School which was a mile down the Ogowe River from the hospital.
René Wadlow and Albert Schweitzer (C) René Wadlow (personal archives)
It was Norman Cousins, active in disarmament efforts in the USA, who urged Schweitzer to speak out against nuclear weapons. Schweitzer had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his humanitarian efforts in Africa. Thus, he came into ever greater contact with people working for peace. However, he was reluctant to make statements on issues on which he was not expert. As he said to Cousins, “All my life, I have carefully stayed away from making pronouncements on public matters. Groups would come to me for statements or I would be asked to sign joint letters or the press would ask me for my views on certain political questions. And always I would feel forced to say no.” However, he went on “The world needs a system of enforceable law to prevent aggression and deal with the threats to the peace, but the important thing to do is to make a start somewhere…I think maybe the place to take hold is with the matter of nuclear testing…If a ban on nuclear testing can be put into effect then perhaps the stage can be set for other and broader measures related to peace.“
Schweitzer’s 1958 appeal Peace or Atomic War was an important contribution to the growing protests against nuclear testing and their fallout of radiation. On October 16, 1963, the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapons Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water (more commonly called the Partial Test Ban) came into force.
Today, we still need those other and broader measures related to peace and for a constant affirmation of respect for life.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Notes
1) See Albert Schweitzer, Peace or Atomic War (New York: Henry Holt, 1958)
2) See Norman Cousins, Dr Schweitzer of Lambaréné (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1960)
Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2020, 147pp.
Thomas Nordström has written a useful book which more accurately should have been called “The Need for a World Government in Action”. He outlines many of the challenges facing the world society and stresses that the United Nations (UN) does not have the authority or the power to deal with these challenges adequately. The challenges are interrelated and thus must be faced in an interrelated way. Thus, climate change has an impact on land use which has an impact on food production. To improve food production, there must be better education on food issues as well as greater equality among women and men, as, in many countries, women play a major role in food production, food preparation, and food conservation.
As governments and UN Secretariat members become aware of an issue, the issue is taken up in one or another of the UN Specialized Agencies – FAO, WHO, ILO, UNESCO, or a new program is created: the Environment Program, or different programs on the issue of women. Today, within the halls of the UN there are negotiations for a Global Pact on the Environment and for the creation of a World Environment Organization which would be stronger than the existing UN Environment Program. Such a Global Pact for the Environment would clarify important environmental principles and relations between the existing treaties on the environment which have been negotiated separately.
In the UN, the international agenda reflects the growing influence of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and the scientific community in shaping policy. We see this vividly in the discussions on the impact of climate change. The distinction that used to be made between national and international questions has almost entirely vanished. NGOs must be able to provide possible avenues of action based on an effective theoretical analysis that acknowledges the complexity of the international environment.
Governments cannot at the same time boost expenditure on armaments and deal effectively with ecological deterioration and the consequences of climate change. Militarization has contributed to the neglect of other pressing issues, such as shrinking forests, erosion of soils and falling water tables. Militarization draws energy and efforts away from constructive action to deal with common problems. Militarization creates rigidity at the center of world politics as well as brittleness which leads to regional conflicts and civil wars. This political paralysis is both a cause and a result of the rigidity and the brittleness of current international politics. Opportunities are missed for building upon the more positive elements of a particular situation.
What is often called “complex emergencies” – a combination of political and social disintegration that includes armed conflicts, ethnic violence, state collapse, warlordism, refugee flows and famine – have become one of the most pressing humanitarian issues of our time. Today’s violent conflicts are often rooted in a mix of exclusion, inequality, mismanagement of natural resources, corruption, and the frustrations that accompany a lack of jobs and opportunities. Lack of opportunities sows the seeds of instability and violence.
As Nordström points out, behind all the current armed conflicts, there is the presence in a small number of countries of nuclear weapons. If they were used, the level of destruction would be great. Although nuclear disarmament was on the agenda of the UN General Assembly from its start, there has been little progress on nuclear disarmament issues.
As World Citizen and former President of India S. Radhakrishnan has written, “To survive we need a revolution in our thoughts and outlook. From the alter of the past we should take the living fire and not the dead ashes. Let us remember the past, be alive to the present and create the future with courage in our hearts and faith in ourselves.” The great challenge which humanity faces today is to leave behind the culture of violence in which we find ourselves and move rapidly to a culture of peace and solidarity. We can achieve this historic task by casting aside our ancient nationalistic and social prejudices and begin to think and act as responsible Citizens of the World. Nordström sets out some of the guideposts.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Robin Yassin-Kassab and Leila Al-Shami, Burning Country – Syrians in Revolution and War.
London, Pluto Press, 2016, 262pp.
Although this overview of Syrian society was written before the January 2025 flight of Bashar al-Assad to Moscow and the coming to power of Ahmed al-Sharaa as “interim” President, the book is a useful guide to many of the current issues in Syria today.
As Khalil Gibran wrote in The Garden of the Prophet, thinking of his home country, Lebanon, but it can also be said of the neighboring Syria, “Pity the nation divided into fragments, each fragment deeming itself a nation.” The fragments, ethnic and religious to which are added deep social divisions, make common action difficult. The Druze, the Alaouites, the Kurds, all play an important role but are often fearful of each other. Some of the Alaouites have fled to Lebanon. At the same time, there is a slow return of Syrians who have been in exile in Turkey and western Europe – especially Germany.
The divisions were made deeper by the years of violent conflict against the government of Bashar al-Assad which began in March 2011 with youth-led demonstrations appealing for a Syrian republic based on equality of citizenship, the rule of law, respect for human rights, and political pluralism.
After some months of non-violent protests, members of the military deserted, taking their weapons with them. The Syrian conflict became militarized. A host of armed militias were formed, often hostile to each other.
From late 2013 to February 2014, there were negotiations for a ceasefire held at the United Nations (UN), Geneva. Representatives of the Association of World Citizens (AWC) met with the Ambassador to the UN of Syria, as well as with the representatives of different Syrian factions who had come to Geneva. Unfortunately, Syrian politics has been that of “winner takes all” with little spirit of compromise or agreed-upon steps for the public good. The AWC called for a broad coming together of individuals who believe in non-violence, equality of women and men, ecologically-sound development, and cooperative action for the common good. The need to work together for an orderly creation of the government and the development of a just and pluralistic Syrian society is still with us.
Robin Yassin-Kassab’s book is a useful guide to the forces that must come together and cooperate today.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Helen Lackner, Yemen in Crisis: Devastating Conflict, Fragile Hope.
London, Saqi Books, 2023, 413pp.
In this incisive analysis, Helen Lackner highlights the ongoing armed conflict which threatens the survival of the Yemeni people. An internationalized civil war which started in 2015 has caused chaos, poverty, and in many areas extreme hunger. The external intervention led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in an operation called “Desert Storm” worsened the instability and fragmentation. Efforts by the United Nations to mediate the conflict, especially by meetings in Geneva, have been frustrated by the obduracy of the warring parties.
The Association of World Citizens (AWC) has been concerned with constitutional developments in Yemen since the 2011 change of government. While the constitutional form of the state structure depends on the will of the people of Yemen (provided that they can express themselves freely), the AWC has proposed consideration of con-federal forms of government which maintain cooperation within a decentralized framework. In 2014, a committee appointed by the then President, Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, had proposed a six-region federation as the political structure for Yemen.
Until 1990, Yemen was two separate states: the People’s Democratic Yemen in the south with Aden as the capital, and the Yemen Arab Republic in the north with Sana’a as the capital. In 1990, the two united to become the Republic of Yemen.
However, the union of the two states did not create a working unity. Fairly quickly there was a fracturing of Yemen into different spheres of influence. There were struggles for power and the creation of rival militias. Although tribes remain a fundamental aspect of Yemeni society, there developed new social forces with a greater role of youth and a growth of urban life as people moved from the countryside into cities. A small educated group, often including women, started to play a larger role.
With the 2015 outbreak of armed violence, the divisions have grown. Fundamentalist Islamic groups have been created. There has been a vast destruction of infrastructure as schools, medical facilities, and shops, and small industry has been targeted for destruction. Today, the Ansar Allah Movement, often called the Houthis, controls the capital Sana’a and the port city of Hudaydah. Much of the rest of the country is under the control of microgroups. There is a large displacement of people. The rivalry for regional power between Saudi Arabia and Iran colors the situation. As Helen Lackner writes, hope for peace is fragile. There are human rights violations on a massive scale by all the parties. The 27 million Yemenis live under a dark sky.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
The difficulties to begin negotiations on an end to the Russia-Ukraine armed conflict has highlighted the need for a renewal of the Helsinki process of Pan-European dialogue and action. The Helsinki process which began in 1973 led over time to the creation of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
Government leaders met in Helsinki in July 1973, sensing a need for some form of permanent discussion on European security issues beyond the ad hoc meetings among some states, which was then the current pattern. From September 1973 to July 1975, the discussion on structures and efforts to be undertaken moved to Geneva and was carried out by diplomats stationed there. Although the representatives of Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs) were not asked to participate, many of us who were NGO representatives to the United Nations in Geneva knew the European diplomats involved and were able to make suggestions as to the priorities – human rights and arms control.
The foreign ministers taking part in the CSCE conference in Helsinki in 1973 (C) Pentti Koskinen
In August 1975, the Geneva discussions terminated, the government leaders met again in Helsinki and signed the Helsinki Agreement. Relatively quickly, a series of meetings on crucial topics was organized, often in Geneva. NGO representatives were invited to participate and played an important role in developing confidence-building measures.
Although there were tensions among OSCE states in the past such as the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979 and the martial law crackdown in Poland, the divisions were never as strong as they are today, linked to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The OSCE has been weakened, and some see a death sentence in a near future. Thus, there is a need for a renewal of the OSCE and a revival of the Helsinki spirit. Non-governmental organizations may have to take a lead, given the current governmental divisions.
Members of the OSCE’s Special Monitoring Mission deployed in eastern Ukraine (C) OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine
In the 1980s, NGOs had played an important role in “détente from below” in creating opportunities for discussions among activists from Eastern and Western Europe. Today we must find avenues of action to meet the current complex and dangerous situation. Representatives of the Association of World Citizens have participated in meetings of the OSCE and will be active in this renewal process.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
On August 22, 2025, the United Nations (UN)-related Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) highlighted that famine conditions were taking place in Gaza City and that famine is expected to spread to other parts of the Gaza Strip in the coming weeks if improvements in food supply are not made.
The IPC Report stresses that for over 90% of the children under two years old, the lack of healthy food hinders the children’s immunity and development. The scarcity also impacts pregnant and breastfeeding women, compromising the health of both mother and child. Many healthcare facilities in the Gaza Strip have been destroyed, making care for children difficult and often impossible.
The IPC report comes just as the Israeli military prepares for a full-scale takeover of Gaza City, the epicenter of the famine. When the takeover begins, it will be even harder for civilians to access the food they need to survive. Many people will be forced to move, which many persons in Gaza have already done several times.
Famine in Gaza is the result of deliberate obstruction of food and life-saving aid. There are ample food supplies at the Gaza Strip frontier ready to enter. However, the Israeli authorities have not permitted sufficient aid to enter the Gaza Strip. The basic humanitarian needs of those living in the Gaza Strip are not being met.
The Association of World Citizens is among the many Nongovernmental Organizations and aid groups which have called for a radical modification of Israeli policy so that basic needs can be met. Such radical modifications will require negotiations in good faith. The IPC report is a strong addition to these calls for positive action.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Association of World Citizens 