The Association of World Citizens (AWC) calls for an urgent ceasefire in the renewed armed conflict between Thailand and Cambodia which flared up again on December 8, 2025 with the Thai military launching airstrikes on Cambodia.
A ceasefire had been agreed to in July 2025 in negotiations led by U.S. mediators. There is a 500-mile frontier between the two countries. The frontier was drawn when Cambodia was under French rule. Thailand contests the frontier lines.
Prasat Preah Vihear, the temple claimed by both Thailand and Cambodia (C) PsamatheM
The decades-long dispute has already displaced many persons on both sides of the frontier. The frontier area on both sides has a large number of landmines planted making the whole area unsafe. The disputed area contains a Buddhist temple which should be a symbol of peace and harmony but is now a factor in the dispute.
The AWC stresses that urgent measures of conflict resolution should be undertaken. Nongovernmental Organizations may be able to play a positive role in such efforts. Contacts should be undertaken now.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
C’est ce que chantait Guy Béart en 1968, alors que la révolte politique grondait en France et ailleurs. Au départ inspiré pour sa chanson La vérité par l’une des premières anecdotes sur le dopage dans le cyclisme, Béart a élargi sa chanson à l’assassinat de John F. Kennedy, à la répression des écrivains en URSS et même au calvaire de Jésus-Christ, rendant hommage aux victimes du refus de la liberté d’expression et, in fine, se mettant lui-même en scène en tant que victime potentielle des «murmures» et des «tomates mûres» de son public qu’il voyait déjà, à son tour, l’exécuter ! Heureusement non, pas plus qu’après Les couleurs du temps l’année passée, chanson qui est pour moi un hymne personnel.
Aujourd’hui hélas, les autorités de l’Iran, où l’assassinat de la jeune Masha Jina Amini par les Gardiens de la Révolutions (Pasdaran) en septembre 2022 a fait naître des revendications de liberté sous le slogan «Femme, Vie, Liberté» qui, même réprimées, ne se sont jamais tues, semblent avoir pris ce refrain de Guy Béart au pied de la lettre puisqu’elles entendent précisément exécuter un poète, Peyman Farahavar.
De la part de la théocratie chiite de Téhéran, rivale par excellence de celle sunnite d’Arabie saoudite qui est aussi pour elle une solide concurrente en termes de violations des Droits Humains, rien de bien surprenant, certes. Qui croit tirer son pouvoir politique de la parole divine n’admet aucune œuvre de l’esprit humain. Pourtant, Peyman Farahavar a bien d’autres raisons, en fait toutes les raisons, de déplaire au régime des mollahs.
(C) Iran Human Rights
Trop croyant pour devenir théocrate
Quand une idéologie de libération fonde un système politique qui, lui-même, évolue ou plutôt dégénère en dictature, il y a toujours des gens qui, même soutenant le système, s’accrochent aux idéaux et aux principes de la libération rêvée en croyant les pérenniser par leur adhésion à l’institution. Certains resteront fidèles au système quoi qu’il arrive, persuadés de pouvoir le changer de l’intérieur par leur seule intégrité – et bien souvent voués à rester déçus –, tandis que d’autres, poussés au bout du dégoût, le quitteront s’ils le peuvent. Dans la défunte Tchécoslovaquie, un Alexander Dubček rêvant d’un «communisme à visage humain» avait tôt fait d’irriter les tenants moscovites d’un communisme répressif, puis de voir s’abattre sur son Printemps de Prague, en plein cœur de l’été, l’hiver des chars.
Promis à un avenir de mollah réprimant lui aussi son peuple, au nom d’un chiisme vidé de sa substance pour devenir l’instrument pérenne du totalitarisme, Peyman Farahavar s’y est refusé. Aux yeux du pouvoir de Téhéran, première faute.
A trente-sept ans, Peyman Farahavar, également prénommé Amin, originaire de la province de Gilan bordée par la Mer Caspienne et voisine de l’Azerbaïdjan, n’a pas toujours été le primeur de rue et père de famille comme tant d’autres qu’il est aujourd’hui. Comme le révèle IranWire, il était au départ séminariste. Comme son gouvernement, il avait fait de la religion et du culte des martyrs de la révolution islamique les piliers de sa vie. A la ville, il portait les robes des dignitaires chiites que la République islamique érige en aristocratie. A cette différence près que Peyman Farahavar, religieux dans l’âme, ne voyait pas le chiisme comme un instrument d’oppression.
Ecœuré par la manière dont les autorités de Téhéran avaient transformé la religion et la mémoire de la révolution en un «business», il s’était défroqué et avait abandonné sa vie cléricale pour devenir vendeur de rue, primeur spécialiste des fruits, travaillant chaque jour avec son frère pour gagner sa vie et nourrir son petit garçon de dix ans.
Il fustigeait désormais sans concession ces autorités qu’il en était venu à détester, s’opposant farouchement à l’oppression du peuple qu’il reprochait à ces gens auxquels son parcours le vouait au départ à ressembler. La robe des mollahs était devenue pour lui symbole de cette oppression. Pour lui, plus question de la porter encore, et l’enlever voulait dire rejeter non pas la religion, mais le régime qui se faisait oppresseur en son nom.
Devenu voix des sans-voix, Peyman Farahavar criblait sur ses réseaux sociaux «la supériorité autoproclamée du clergé chiite en Iran», ainsi que l’exploitation par le gouvernement «du sang et de la religion des martyrs». Il s’était indigné publiquement du sort de la jeune Mardak Maryaneh, jeune fille de seize ans qui, arrêtée et détenue, s’était suicidée après sa libération.
La prison, Peyman Farahavar allait la découvrir lui-même en mai 2022, avant que l’Iran ne résonne du slogan «Femme, Vie, Liberté». Arrêté une nouvelle fois le 18 août 2024 à Racht, capitale du Gilan, Peyman Farahavar fut détenu vingt-six jours au secret avant d’être transféré à la Section de sécurité de la Prison de Lakan, toujours à Racht. Avant même sa condamnation à mort, il allait bientôt être arraché violemment au monde des vivants.
Une poésie belle et forte à mourir
Dans des prisons iraniennes dont la réputation de barbarie n’est plus à faire, encore moins à ignorer, Peyman Farahavar n’avait aucune chance d’échapper au sort le plus barbare, dont les autorités, pénitentiaires et autres, comptaient sur le fait qu’il demeure aussi le sort le plus ignoré. Par bonheur, pari perdu.
Les sources d’IranWire évoquent des tortures si extrêmes qu’un jour, Peyman Farahavar en a perdu connaissance pendant vingt-quatre heures, mais aussi des saignements gastro-intestinaux persistants, des dérèglements lymphatiques provoquant des furoncles douloureux sur tout le corps, et pas le moindre traitement médical qu’il se voit constamment refuser. Au-delà du corps, l’esprit et le cœur souffrent aussi, de l’absence d’un fils auquel il n’est jamais permis de voir son père, ce qui serait voulu, poursuit IranWire, par une ex-belle-famille vindicative adossée aux Gardiens de la Révolution.
A bien y réfléchir, pourquoi les autorités ménageraient-elles Peyman Farahavar alors que, tout au contraire, elles s’acharnent sur lui pour des aveux ? A coups de «graves tortures psychologiques et physiques», elles exigent qu’il avoue. Avouer ? Mais quoi, au juste ? Qu’il aurait, comme l’en accusent les autorités, déclenché un incendie volontaire sur un chantier ? En pareil cas, Peyman Farahavar n’aurait pas été autant interrogé sur ses écrits, littérale obsession de ses geôliers.
«Le crayon sera sa clé, les feuilles son issue», chantait la regrettée Teri Moise dans Les poèmes de Michelle, son hommage aux enfants travailleurs en un temps où l’on n’en parlait encore que peu. Les Gardiens de la Révolution islamique, redoutables miliciens théocrates de Téhéran, ont bien compris que c’est aussi le cas de Peyman Farahavar, insupportablement libre même dans sa cellule, puisqu’ils se sont employés à détruire ses carnets de notes où figuraient ses poèmes, même lisibles de ses seuls codétenus, car c’était apparemment déjà trop.
Vivant de peu, suivi par seulement quelques centaines de personnes sur Instagram, Peyman Farahavar n’en a pas moins fait suffisamment peur à l’Etat, comme le relève IranWire, pour se retrouver frappé d’une peine de mort. Ces fameux Gardiens de la Révolution, il leur avait fait un sort dans un poème que l’un de ses anciens codétenus décrit comme «très implacable et très beau», lui qui se souvient de Peyman Farahavar comme d’un poète doué pour la satire contestataire et, surtout, pour l’improvisation, à tel point qu’il suffisait d ’ «attiser» en lui la verve poétique pour qu’elle explose en bouquets de vers subversifs d’un savoureux vitriol.
Rien ni personne n’était épargné parmi ce qui révoltait l’ancien mollah en devenir. Incendiaire, oui, il l’était sur la corruption enracinée dans les institutions, les questions liées à l’environnement, mais aussi la fierté culturelle de la population du Gilan. Peyman Farahavar fustigeait les ventes, devenues monnaie courante, de terres agricoles du Gilan à des Iraniens d’autres parties du pays, ainsi que le gaspillage des ressources naturelles de la province par les sociétés immobilières. Jaloux de son identité provinciale, il proclamait son admiration pour les héros locaux, dont Mirza Kuchik Khan, homme politique et chef militaire du début du vingtième siècle. Voix des sans-voix, remarque encore IranWire, Peyman Farahavar portait celle d’un peuple oublié, celle des pauvres, celle des villageois dont la souffrance n’intéressait pas Téhéran.
Pour les mollahs, voilà bien de quoi vouloir exécuter un poète, la peine prononcée contre Peyman Farahavar ayant été confirmée y compris par la Cour suprême iranienne le 24 septembre.
Ecrivez sa liberté
«A quoi sert une chanson si elle est désarmée ?», demandait Julien Clerc en 1993 dans Utile, citant une expression chilienne, «La chanson sans armes ne sert à rien, la chanson sans balles n’affronte pas le fusil». La chanson, Maurice Druon y voyait la «forme moderne de la poésie», bien que la forme traditionnelle n’ait jamais cessé d’exister. Dix ans avant Julien Clerc, Daniel Balavoine évoquait la torture d’un poète dans Frappe avec ta tête. Neuf ans auparavant encore, Michel Delpech ouvrait la voie en unissant poésie et chanson dans Rimbaud chanterait, imaginant un Arthur Rimbaud ayant vécu à cette époque et qui, là où le dix-neuvième siècle l’a vu poète, aurait été chanteur, «lui, l’homme fou, l’ami, le déserteur».
A quoi servait à Guy Béart de chanter La vérité en 1968 ? Les étudiants français en révolte contre le système savaient tout au moins à quoi leur servait la chanson, qu’ils entonnaient parfois dans leurs meetings face à un pouvoir politique en lequel ils voyaient un ultime censeur.
Aujourd’hui, le poète qui a «dit la vérité» se nomme Peyman Farahavar, et dans une illustration insupportablement littérale des vers de Guy Béart, Téhéran entend l’exécuter, sous des motifs fantoches, pour sa seule poésie. Une poésie qui n’a pas besoin de dire à quoi elle sert, car les actes parlent, comme les mots dérangent.
Même pour qui n’est pas poète, un langage poli et un ton décidé suffisent pour dire non au massacre d’un innocent. Il y a toujours une ambassade iranienne, ou bien une mission auprès des Nations Unies à New York, Genève ou Vienne, dans le pire des cas une délégation permanente à l’UNESCO, à contacter. Il serait dommage de priver d’un tel soutien Peyman Farahavar, ainsi que de s’en priver soi-même lorsque l’on peut écrire et dire la vérité sans craindre d’être, comme Téhéran le lui promet, exécuté.
Bernard J. Henry est Officier des Relations Extérieures de l’Association of World Citizens.
Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2020, 147pp.
Thomas Nordström has written a useful book which more accurately should have been called “The Need for a World Government in Action”. He outlines many of the challenges facing the world society and stresses that the United Nations (UN) does not have the authority or the power to deal with these challenges adequately. The challenges are interrelated and thus must be faced in an interrelated way. Thus, climate change has an impact on land use which has an impact on food production. To improve food production, there must be better education on food issues as well as greater equality among women and men, as, in many countries, women play a major role in food production, food preparation, and food conservation.
As governments and UN Secretariat members become aware of an issue, the issue is taken up in one or another of the UN Specialized Agencies – FAO, WHO, ILO, UNESCO, or a new program is created: the Environment Program, or different programs on the issue of women. Today, within the halls of the UN there are negotiations for a Global Pact on the Environment and for the creation of a World Environment Organization which would be stronger than the existing UN Environment Program. Such a Global Pact for the Environment would clarify important environmental principles and relations between the existing treaties on the environment which have been negotiated separately.
In the UN, the international agenda reflects the growing influence of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and the scientific community in shaping policy. We see this vividly in the discussions on the impact of climate change. The distinction that used to be made between national and international questions has almost entirely vanished. NGOs must be able to provide possible avenues of action based on an effective theoretical analysis that acknowledges the complexity of the international environment.
Governments cannot at the same time boost expenditure on armaments and deal effectively with ecological deterioration and the consequences of climate change. Militarization has contributed to the neglect of other pressing issues, such as shrinking forests, erosion of soils and falling water tables. Militarization draws energy and efforts away from constructive action to deal with common problems. Militarization creates rigidity at the center of world politics as well as brittleness which leads to regional conflicts and civil wars. This political paralysis is both a cause and a result of the rigidity and the brittleness of current international politics. Opportunities are missed for building upon the more positive elements of a particular situation.
What is often called “complex emergencies” – a combination of political and social disintegration that includes armed conflicts, ethnic violence, state collapse, warlordism, refugee flows and famine – have become one of the most pressing humanitarian issues of our time. Today’s violent conflicts are often rooted in a mix of exclusion, inequality, mismanagement of natural resources, corruption, and the frustrations that accompany a lack of jobs and opportunities. Lack of opportunities sows the seeds of instability and violence.
As Nordström points out, behind all the current armed conflicts, there is the presence in a small number of countries of nuclear weapons. If they were used, the level of destruction would be great. Although nuclear disarmament was on the agenda of the UN General Assembly from its start, there has been little progress on nuclear disarmament issues.
As World Citizen and former President of India S. Radhakrishnan has written, “To survive we need a revolution in our thoughts and outlook. From the alter of the past we should take the living fire and not the dead ashes. Let us remember the past, be alive to the present and create the future with courage in our hearts and faith in ourselves.” The great challenge which humanity faces today is to leave behind the culture of violence in which we find ourselves and move rapidly to a culture of peace and solidarity. We can achieve this historic task by casting aside our ancient nationalistic and social prejudices and begin to think and act as responsible Citizens of the World. Nordström sets out some of the guideposts.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Robin Yassin-Kassab and Leila Al-Shami, Burning Country – Syrians in Revolution and War.
London, Pluto Press, 2016, 262pp.
Although this overview of Syrian society was written before the January 2025 flight of Bashar al-Assad to Moscow and the coming to power of Ahmed al-Sharaa as “interim” President, the book is a useful guide to many of the current issues in Syria today.
As Khalil Gibran wrote in The Garden of the Prophet, thinking of his home country, Lebanon, but it can also be said of the neighboring Syria, “Pity the nation divided into fragments, each fragment deeming itself a nation.” The fragments, ethnic and religious to which are added deep social divisions, make common action difficult. The Druze, the Alaouites, the Kurds, all play an important role but are often fearful of each other. Some of the Alaouites have fled to Lebanon. At the same time, there is a slow return of Syrians who have been in exile in Turkey and western Europe – especially Germany.
The divisions were made deeper by the years of violent conflict against the government of Bashar al-Assad which began in March 2011 with youth-led demonstrations appealing for a Syrian republic based on equality of citizenship, the rule of law, respect for human rights, and political pluralism.
After some months of non-violent protests, members of the military deserted, taking their weapons with them. The Syrian conflict became militarized. A host of armed militias were formed, often hostile to each other.
From late 2013 to February 2014, there were negotiations for a ceasefire held at the United Nations (UN), Geneva. Representatives of the Association of World Citizens (AWC) met with the Ambassador to the UN of Syria, as well as with the representatives of different Syrian factions who had come to Geneva. Unfortunately, Syrian politics has been that of “winner takes all” with little spirit of compromise or agreed-upon steps for the public good. The AWC called for a broad coming together of individuals who believe in non-violence, equality of women and men, ecologically-sound development, and cooperative action for the common good. The need to work together for an orderly creation of the government and the development of a just and pluralistic Syrian society is still with us.
Robin Yassin-Kassab’s book is a useful guide to the forces that must come together and cooperate today.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Jerome M. Segal, Creating The Palestinian State: A Strategy for Peace.
Chicago,IL: Laurence Hill Books, 1989, 177pp.
At this time when clashes among Israelis and Palestinians have been growing in intensity with an impact on neighboring countries, new attitudes and approaches are needed. Several Western European countries have announced that they will recognize a Palestinian state during the 2025 United Nations General Assembly in New York. Thus, it is useful to review an early presentation of the need for a Palestinian state.
Jerome Segal was a research scholar at the Institute for Philosophy and Public Policy at the University of Maryland in the USA. He writes, “My efforts have been directed towards the creation of a Palestinian state, not primarily as an end in itself, but as a component part of the two-state solution. The two-state solution is, in my estimation, the only basis for a stable peace in the Middle East… It cannot be done by the Palestinians alone… It can only occur if there is broad support from all who seek peace along the lines of the two-state solution.”
For Segal, a Palestinian state would be a state without an army, on the model of Costa Rica. A Palestinian state would work effectively to prevent terrorism and attacks against Israeli structures. It would declare that the State of Palestine offers peace to all its neighboring states and looks forward to mutual cooperation for the common good of all.
The Association of World Citizens (AWC) has been concerned with the development of appropriate constitutional structures as a vital aspect of peacebuilding. The AWC emphasis has been placed on the possibilities of con-federalism, autonomy within a decentralized state, and trans-frontier cooperation. We will continue to follow Israeli-Palestinian events closely.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Karine Martin, Monastic Daoism Transformed: The Fate of the Thunder Drum Lineage.
Three Pines Press, 2025, 177pp.
Karine Martin, author of this useful overview of the Chinese Government’s attitude toward Daoist clergy, was able to travel widely in China, visiting more than 100 Daoist temples, especially those of the Thunder Drum lineage to which she belongs.
Since 2017, there has been a Chinese government policy called “Sinicization” in keeping with Xi Jinping’s Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.
Sinicization requires all religious organizations to modify their doctrines and activities so that they match what is considered Han Chinese culture. Authorities have removed crosses from Christian churches and demolished minarets from Islamic mosques. Clergy from all religions are required to attend indoctrination courses on a regular basis. Chinese governments, both Nationalist and Communist, officially recognized five religions: Daoism, Buddhism, Islam, Catholicism and Protestantism.
Some religious groups are considered subversive and are outlawed and their members persecuted such as Falun Gong. During the “Cultural Revolution” (1966 to 1976, ending with the death of Chairman Mao Zedong), religion as such was considered to be one of the “four olds” to be destroyed. Churches and temples were closed. In Tibet, there was widespread destruction of temples. Monks were forced into civilian life. Today, the current policy is to keep religious organizations but to make sure that they do not slip out of control.
As Karine Martin writes,
“Everywhere I went, I found temples in a state of decline and disarray. There were no devotees, much fewer clergy, and minimal activities. Buildings were in disrepair, and there was very little renovation and construction. The overall atmosphere was one of desolation and despair… Temple websites – so strongly developed just a decade ago – now only speak about Xi Jinping Thought and ways of complying with government guidelines… Since all clergy were forced to rejoin secular society during the Cultural Revolution, many got married and had children yet later returned to their monasteries. The marriages often continued, if at long distance, allowing priests to fulfill their spiritual calling while yet having families. Now this is no longer possible, and monks either have to leave the monastery or produce a document that they have obtained a divorce and are properly celebrate.”
Karine Martin has written a very complete picture of monastic Daoism, a development of her Ph.D. thesis based on field observations. However, there is a cultural Daoism which colors Chinese life, its folk religious practices with village shrines – all difficult to control. Daoism places much emphasis on dreams during which the dreamer encounters immortals and advanced masters. Dreams are by their nature difficult to control from outside. The interpretation of the dream is also individual. Dreams can also lead to forms of deep personal meditation in order to understand the significance of the dreams.
Daoism also stresses good health and long life. Deep breathing, massages, herbal remedies and yoga-style movements such as Taijjiquan and Qigong can be carried out without belonging to a Daoist organization.
Daoism also places an emphasis on the appreciation of nature, especially mountains, rivers, forests and well-structured gardens. An ecological concern is growing in China without a specific link to organized Daoism.
While the government may try to control organized Daoist organizations, its cultural manifestations are ever slipping out of control and may one day be manifested in political terms.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Philip Shepherd, Radical Wholeness: The Embodied Present and the Ordinary Grace of Being.
Berkeley: North Atlantic Books, 2017, 328 pp.
By Sarah Stewart-Brown
Philip Shepherd is unusual; at the age of 18, he relinquished a place to read physics at the University of Toronto, took a cheap flight to London, bought himself a bike and pedalled to Japan. For a year or more, he lived outside, sleeping rough, attuning to the natural world and the different cultures he passed through. What made him go was clarity that there was something wrong with the values, habits and behaviours of the culture he had grown up in, and what made him head for Japan was an experience of Noh Theatre – a timeless, deeply spiritual style of acting.
He returned home with an ability to see the way the Western world’s view of the meaning of life blinds and binds us; in particular, the way we have valued the contribution or our ‘head centres’ over those of our ‘belly centres’ and ‘masculine’ attributes and aptitudes over ‘feminine’. Together with an ability to experience the world through the body, this gave him a radically different view of reality, one in which the wholeness and interconnectedness of everything was a given. He calls this ability Holosapience. Working as an actor and carpenter, raising his family in Toronto, he devoured books, spoke with many wise people and developed workshops in which he experimented with ways to pass on the abilities he had honed for himself.
This book, published in 2017 when he was in his 60s, is his second. It sets out his thesis and his solutions including some of the key practices of his workshops. His first book New Self, New World describes the journey to Japan and his discoveries in more detail. Philip’s thesis is that people who grow up in the Western world learn to live in their heads, prioritising cognitive intelligence over intelligence experienced in the body, exalting autonomy, independence, objectivity and the scientific method, and valuing knowledge over experience. He quotes the anthropologist who studied the Anlo Ewe peoples of West Africa because they seemed to be describing abilities Philip had developed on his journey. Teaching their children to ‘feel, feel at flesh inside’ they experience themselves as porous, feeling the world passing through them and changing them from moment to moment.
Such experiences reveal the essential fallacy of independence.
He goes on to describe the ways in which severing ourselves from the body’s intelligences has led us down paths that are destructive to life, ours and that of ‘all our relations’ a term indigenous Americans use to refer to the non-human world. His understanding of embodiment is different from that offered by other ‘embodiment’ teachers who invite us to ‘listen to the body’ and often to ‘direct the breath into the belly’. This, Philip would say, is not compatible with wholeness because it requires a separate part to be doing the listening and interpreting what it hears, and taking charge of the breath. Embodiment, he says, enables us to listen to the world through the body, attuning ourselves to the world through the body’s sensitivity and intelligence. We don’t develop this ability by doing, but by surrendering to the essential fluidity of the present. Embodiment enables self-knowledge, a world-centred, experiential understanding of self which promotes a sense of wonder, ease and humility, in contrast to objective knowledge which promotes a self-centred sense of accomplishment, power and entitlement.
Philip recognises that individuals may be born with different sensitivities with the implication that we may have different abilities, but he suggests that we can’t have too much sensitivity. The issue with sensitivity is reactivity. If we are able to receive and experience the world without reactivity, all sensitivity is valuable. So in learning to experience radical wholeness we need, he says, to develop the capacity to integrate the neuromuscular contractions and psychological defences from which the ego derives, so that we can receive and experience without reactivity. The pathway involves breathwork, learning to allow breath that moves the back and sides and is initiated by a release of the pelvic floor. It involves the experience of rest, where the opposite of rest is not movement but internal conflict. It teaches the development of receptivity in a world where doing is valued and receiving is not. And it involves the capacity to integrate contractions, defences and reactivity by becoming grounded.
Philip’s work, unlike other embodiment practices, goes beyond the belly centre (Hara, Tonden, Dan Tien or Kath of the spiritual traditions) and shines a light on the perineum, the small circular muscle at the centre of the pelvic floor, as the powerhouse of integration. His workshops show participants how to enable the energies of contraction to soften, dropping down to the pelvic bowl, and ultimately to the perineum and the feet. Key practices are described. Written with fluidity and clarity this book is inspirational and a delight to read.
Sarah Stewart-Brown is an Emeritus Professor of Public Health at University of Warwick.
Peter L. Wilson, Peacock Angel: The Esoteric Tradition of the Yezidis.
Rochester, VT, Inner Traditions, 2022, 272pp.
Peter Wilson, a specialist on the Middle East, has written a useful book on the religious framework of the Yezidis as seen by someone outside the Yezidi faith. A Yezidi website has been established by Yezidis living in Nebraska, USA: https://yeziditruth.org.
The yearly Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought awarded by the European Parliament was given on October 27, 2016 to Nadia Murad who is also the co-laureate of the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize. She had been taken captive by the forces of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in August 2014 and then sold into sexual slavery and forced marriage. She was able to escape with the help of a compassionate Muslim family and went to Germany as a refugee. She has become a spokesperson for the Yezidi, especially Yezidi women.
There are some 500,000 Yezidis, a Kurdish-speaking religious community living in northern Iraq. There were also some 200,000 Yezidis among the Kurds of Türkiye, but nearly all have migrated to Western Europe, primarily Germany as well as to Australia, Canada, and the USA.
There are also some Yezidi among Kurds living in Syria, Iran and Armenia. The Yezidis do not convert people. Thus, the religion continues only through birth into the community.
The structure of the Yezidi religious system is Zoroastrian, a faith born in Persia proclaiming that two great cosmic forces, that of light and good and that of darkness and evil are in constant battle. Humans are called upon to help light overcome darkness.
However, the strict dualistic thinking of Zoroastrianism was modified by another Persian prophet, Mani of Ctesiphon in the third century of the Common Era. Mani tried to create a synthesis of religious teachings that were increasingly coming into contact through travel and trade: Buddhism and Hinduism from India, Jewish and Christian thought, Hellenistic Gnostic philosophy from Egypt and Greece as well as many small belief systems.
Mani kept the Zoroastrian dualism as the most easily understood intellectual framework, though giving it a somewhat more Taoist (yin/yang) flexibility, Mani having traveled to China. He developed the idea of the progression of the soul by individual effort through reincarnation. Unfortunately, only the dualistic Zoroastrian framework is still attached to Mani’s name – Manichaeism. This is somewhat ironic as it was the Zoroastrian Magi who had him put to death as a dangerous rival.
Within the Mani-Zoroastrian framework, the Yezidi added the presence of angels who are to help humans in the constant battle for light and good, in particular Melek Tawsi, the peacock angel. Although there are angels in Islam, angels that one does not know could well be demons. Thus, the Yezidis are regularly accused of being “demon worshipers”.
The Yezidis have always been looked down upon by both their Muslim and Christian neighbors as “pagans”. The government of Saddam Hussein was opposed to the Yezidis not so much for their religious beliefs but rather because some Yezidis played important roles in the Kurdish community, seen as largely opposed to the government. The Yezidi community is still in socio-economic difficulty given the instability of the situation in Iraq.
Peter Wilson has written a useful introduction to this little-known faith.
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Jean Boulton, The Dao of Complexity: Making Sense and Making Waves in Turbulent Times.
Berlin: De Gruyter Brill, 2024, 400 pp.
This remarkable book is distinguished by its illuminating exploration of the contemporary complex world, which is characterised by unpredictability, interconnectedness, and constantly changing flows.
Boulton’s book is intellectually invigorating and profoundly nourishing for the heart and spirit. This can be attributed to the author’s infectious enthusiasm and unique ability to translate sophisticated concepts into practical wisdom.
From the very first pages, the reader is immediately struck by a sense of illumination and inspiration. ‘The Dao of Complexity’ represents a distinctive synthesis of a treatise on systems theory and a philosophical musing on ancient wisdom. Furthermore, Boulton’s writing can be considered a form of activism. It is evident that the author employs a persuasive discourse, unique for its meticulous crafting and intimate style, to instigate a shift in perspective among the readership. This discourse serves as a catalyst, prompting novel interpretations of the intricacies and multifaceted nature of the world.
The book’s structure is so appealing, it invites you to just dip in and out, and to enjoy the thought-provoking reflections each time. Her text design is amazing. It is inspired by Daoist texts and, like these, it encourages serendipitous discovery and deep contemplation. This allows the reader to discover meaning and insights.
Here Complexity Daoism meet in a “remarkable resonance”, as she puts it, and in a vibrant resonant synthesis.
The author confidently masters two powerful traditions: the scientific study of complexity and the ancient philosophy of Daoism. Boulton masterfully unveils the deep connections between these worldviews, demonstrating that both emphasise process, emergence, and the interconnectedness of all things.
In these troubled times, with so many challenges to face – turbulence, pandemics, climate change, political unrest and wars – it’s easy to feel overwhelmed. But Boulton’s message is one of hope. She suggests that traditional, mechanistic ways of thinking are not the way to find solutions. Instead, she gently invites us to see the world as a dynamic, ever-evolving process, where outcomes are not always predictable and where our actions ripple outward in unexpected and hopeful ways.
The first part of the book, “Making Sense”, establishes this novel –but ancient– worldview. Drawing on the frontiers of quantum physics, neuroscience and political theory, Boulton confidently demonstrates that both our brains and minds as well as the world around us operate as complex, adaptive, innovating systems, constantly shaped by experience, interaction and feedback. She employs the Daoist concept of “the way that is made by walking” to demonstrate that the future is not a predetermined destination, but rather an attractor shaped by our choices and intentions.
Her perspective is liberating and challenging: it frees us from the illusion of total control and encourages humility and openness. She invites us to stay alert and attuned to subtle shifts for effective leadership and meaningful change.
The second part, “Making Waves”, is where the book really shines as a guide for action. In this, Boulton thoughtfully explores what it means to lead, innovate and create change in a world where outcomes are uncertain and linear planning often fails. She has so many stories and examples to share, covering everything from leadership and education to governance and personal growth. She shows us how to embrace complexity to create responses that are stronger, more caring and better able to adapt.
The book’s most powerful message is clear: we must learn to “make waves” without expecting to control the tide. Our actions matter, but their effects will always be shaped by the broader system in which they occur. This insight is vital for anyone engaged in social change, digital transformation or organisational leadership. Rather than clinging to rigid plans or over-relying on rules, Boulton shows us how to trust, foster creativity, and build cultures of loving, learning and adaptation.
The Dao of Complexity is the indispensable guide to the “big and pressing questions” of our time, including climate change, inequality and polarisation. It combines intellectual rigour and practical relevance with thoughtful guidance on how individuals and societies can respond with hope and determination. Her writing is characterised by a deep compassion and profound respect for the intricacies of human experience. She challenges readers to move beyond simplistic, quantitative measures of success and to value qualities like empathy, trust, and the capacity to hold paradox.
However, what made this book a really joyful and refreshing read is the fact that it is so accessible. I absolutely love how she makes even the trickiest concepts feel so welcoming and relatable. She has this remarkable ability to take these complex ideas and explain them in a way that’s so easy and deeply satisfying for everyone to understand, no matter what their background is.
In a world where control, measurement and certainty can sometimes feel like the only things we know and care about, Jean Boulton’s ‘The Dao of Complexity’ is like a warm breeze on a hot summer’s day. It’s a caring reminder to let go of the daily grind and embrace the beauty and wonder of life. I absolutely love this book. It’s one of those that will really get your creative juices flowing, fill your heart with joy and give you the courage to go out there and “make waves” in your own unique way.
I wholeheartedly recommend it! Read it again and again, for each time you will earn new insights and inspiration for our shared journey ahead.
Vasileios Basios is a Senior Researcher at the University of Brussels.
Recent violence and growing tensions along religious, ethnic and social class lines in Syria have highlighted the need to create a framework for cooperation among civil society groups. The Peacebuilding Section of the United Nations (UN) Secretariat was created because of the difficulties of creating a peaceful and just society after a period of armed conflict. It has been noted that violence often starts up again if strong measures of reconciliation and cooperative action are not undertaken as soon as the armed conflict ends. A spirit of revenge is often present, especially among those who consider themselves as victims. Thus, there needs to an interweaving of economic improvement with social reconciliation and the creation of trust among factions.
The long, multi-layered conflict in Syria from 2011 to the departure of Bashar al-Assad in December 2024 had increased tensions among groups, but the tensions were already there, clashing over values and interests. “Pity the nation divided into fragments, each fragment deeming itself a nation” wrote Khalil Gibran in The Garden of the Prophet thinking about his home country Lebanon, but it can also be said of neighboring Syria.
External countries had quickly stepped into the armed conflict after 2011 projecting their rivalries onto Syria and jockeying for regional preeminence. Syrian civil society members had cooperated during the efforts of mediation during the early years of the conflict. The first mediator was Mr. Kofi Annan as the joint envoy of the UN and the League of Arab States in February 2012.
Kofi Annan (C) Magyar ENSZ Társaság
Kofi Annan, a former UN Secretary General, had spent his entire career in the UN system and was a seasoned mediator. From his discussions and observations, he proposed first steps based on a ceasefire with effective UN supervision, a release of arbitrarily detained persons, increased humanitarian aid, and freedom of association within Syria. The implementation of his proposals did not follow, and he resigned his mandate on August 2, 2012.
I knew somewhat Kofi Annan and knew better some members of his staff. I also knew fairly well the Secretary General of the League of Arab States Nabil al-Araby, a longtime Ambassador of Egypt to the UN in Geneva. Thus, on behalf of the Association of World Citizens (AWC), I became involved with the armed conflict in Syria.
I had discussions with Dr. Faysal Khabbaz Hamouri, the Ambassador of Syria to the UN in Geneva, to see what issues might be negotiable and if an agenda could be fixed. I also had discussions with Syrian Nongovernmental Organization (NGO) members who had come to Geneva because of the negotiations. NGO representatives, such as I for the AWC, have no standing as official mediators but can play some role through their contacts with diplomats and UN Secretariat members. From these discussions, I came to realize how deeply divided was the Syrian community involved in the political aspects of the armed conflict. There were no public negotiations in Geneva after 2015. In September 2015, Russian military troops started their heavy support of the al-Assad government.
Today, it is difficult to know what those of us who are not Syrians and who are outside of Syria can do to help build a society of social cohesion in Syria. The wider Middle East is filled with violence and tensions among Israelis and Palestinians, in Lebanon, Yemen and Iran. We have to keep our spirits open for new possibilities of positive action.
(C) Khaled Fozan
Prof. René Wadlow is President of the Association of World Citizens.
Association of World Citizens 